This is in reference to the article of a highly respected columnist Mr Ayaz Amir, published in The News, on “Musharraf and Media.” It was also translated and appeared in daily Jang, on Saturday, December 07, 2013.
Following is my rejoinder since I was the Secretary General of Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ), when former President General (R) Pervez Musharraf imposed ban on media. Both General Ziaul Haq and Pervez Musharraf must have done some “good” but in the end they would always be remembered as dictators, who had violated the constitution and not accountable to anyone. Democratic rulers must have done lot of “bad”, but in the end they were elected by the people and accountable to the people.
I wondered from where should I start. It’s a long struggle for the “Freedom of the Press.” starting from August 2nd, 1950 till this day.
On August 2, 2013, PFUJ observed its 63 years of struggle. Should I start from M.A. Shakoor, Asrar Ahmad or Nisar Usmani, Minhaj Barna or should I start from the first journalist, who went to prison in 1948 or the 200 journalists who courted arrest under General Musharraf? Should I start with rigorous imprisonment awarded by the military courts to over 400 journalists under Gen Zia or sedition case against PFUJ, under Musharraf? Should I start from the telephone call I got from the intelligence official, threatening me, in case we started street protest against the ban on Nov 3, 2007 or cases registered for marching to the PM House, few days after emergency plus? I was told
“You are on zero tolerance. I advised you to stay at home.” Those, who believe that media is responsible for invasion of Indian culture and media also correct their facts. Under General Zia, press was suppressed but Indian movies and VCR culture were promoted. Under Gen Musharraf, after Nov 3rd, Pakistani news channels were banned but in a meeting he was requested by his aides to allow Star Plus, Sony and Indian movies. I am all for competition whether in the field of news channels or entertainment but for the record, it’s the policy of our establishment, not the media, to depoliticise people.
I will confine myself to what actually happened under Musharraf and negation to the struggle for the freedom of the press and would not go into Zia’s darkest era.
Everyone has a right to have likes and dislikes. But as a great admirer of Ayaz Amir’s columns, I was rather disappointed not because he had given all credit to Musharraf, but denying credit to 90 days struggle from Nov 3, 2007 to February, 2008, if nothing more. If he could have given some credit to Gen Zia, he should have said few lines for late Nisar Usmani and Minhaj Barna and for PFUJ. We have not struggled for the freedom of the print media but for the whole media. If you can’t praise us, at least don’t discredit journalists’ struggle. The stories of struggle, rigorous imprisonments, military courts, flogging, losing jobs were not fake but real. If someone want to see the record, there are at least two well researched work, one by a student at Punjab University and the other by Prof Tauseef Ahmad, head of Mass Communication Department, Urdu University. I am no Zameer Niazi nor can I be, but I do have collection of some documents of the struggle and also ban imposed by Gen Zia and Musharraf.
But let me put some facts on record for all those who made tall claims of giving credit to Musharraf for giving freedom to media. Like Ayaz Sahab, the former president also once said, “I don’t know whether there was any struggle for freedom of the press, but I have given freedom of expression.”
Pakistan’s two leading news channels including Geo started their transmissions from Dubai in 2001-02 and despite repeated request were not allowed “landing rights”. They covered 2002 elections and faced many “notices” from the then government of Musharraf. There was nothing the establishment could do but to accept them. However, these two channels faced huge financial burden because they were not given landing rights.
He was then advised to bring the channels under some kind of “regulations”, since denying landing rights tactics had failed. Thus, media was regulated through Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority Ordinance, 2002. If you go through the contents of the ordinance, there were more restrictions and the Pemra authority came directly under presidential or government control. President appoints its chairman and government nominates its members.
When the Pemra Ordinance came before the parliamentary committee, PFUJ was also asked to submit journalists’ point of view. I appeared before the committee headed by late Sher Afgan Niazi and put following submission.
(1) Its “black law” and another form of Ayub Khan’s Press and Publication Ordinance (which Ayaz Sahab believe was repealed by the caretaker government in 1988, but as far as I remember it was Mr Junejo, who allowed free declaration policy in 1986). (2) it will create monopolies, which could have negative impact. (3) President of Pakistan and government should not be allowed to nominate its chairman and members, as they could use Pemra like they use Ministry of Information. (4) President and government could impose ban, whenever it suits them.
The committee rejected our submission but we were vindicated when Musharraf imposed ban in 2007. After the parliament adopted Pemra Law, the government started the “misuse”. As they started giving TV licence “under conditions”, they also started using relevant clauses particularly interpretation of clauses of “national interest” and “Ideology of Pakistan”.
Musharraf’s own group of “friends” felt the pain for the first time when media was not allowed to air the joint statement of people like Lt Gen (R) Moinuddin Haider, Javed Jabbar, which he felt very critical to him. One my own talk show, on a private TV channel “Hum” was not allowed due to pressure.
His government and his intelligence agencies were very touchy on shows on Balochistan, and channels faced lot of pressure and notices were issued. In some cases fines were imposed and programmes were not allowed. During his tenure, his government not only used Pemra to put pressure on TV channels but also “Press, Newspapers, News Agencies and Books Registration (Amended) Ordinance, 2007.”
Thus, dozens of news channels faced scores of “notices” from Pemra like “Press Advice” from 2002 to 2008. Even after Pemra Law, the FM radios were not allowed to air “news or current affairs” for several years. Some got the permission through legal battle. At times, channels and FM radios were “off air” by the authorities for their criticism on Musharraf.
Lawyers movement of March 9, 2007 was the turning point. All this happened prior to the final onslaught on November 3, 2007. Those who negate our struggle today praised the media for “lifting” the lawyers movement.
PFUJ once again took the lead and within 24 hours after the sacking of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry issued a strong statement against the action and termed the action illegal and un constitutional. We extended our support to the lawyers community. As Secretary General PFUJ, I personally called the then President of Supreme Court Bar Association, Mr Munir Malik and offered joint movement.
As the movement started picking up, the signs of nervousness were noticed in Musharraf and his aides. Media houses were pressurised in different ways, at times channels were off air during CJP procession and speech etc.
Finally, Musharraf and his team decided to impose the ban on Nov 03. PFUJ staged 88 days protest sit-in against the ban. Even the veterans like late Minhaj Barna despite his illness and poets like Ahmad Faraz joined us in the campaign. Even in three days of Eid we did not abandon our protest.
When people started watching channels on “dish” the government through Ministry of Commerce on Nov 12 imposed “restriction on import of equipment used for reception, broadcast and distribution of satellite signals pertaining to the field of electronic media”.
Ayaz Sahab, not many people know that even when the government decided to relax the ban, media owners were asked to sign an “undertaking”. One by one they were invited and given “seven para” undertaking. They were threatened that in case of any violation their licence would be cancelled. As far as I remember only two news channels including Geo refused to sign (I have copies of all these documents). Lastly, on the Election Day of February 2008, Pemra issued notices to all channels with title, “Election-2008 Political Campaign- Media Silence Period”. I was the host of an election transmission and the then Law Minister, Ms Shahida Jamil was the guest. All of a sudden she was told that Pemra had asked us to stop the show. She was shocked. The great Musharraf amended the Pemra Law, 2007 under which channels were prohibited to “criticise” the President of Pakistan and all channels were asked to endorse it.
It was after Ms Sherry Rehman become the Information Minister, the law was amended and Musharraf’s Pemra Law was repealed.
It said, “The draconian laws that threatened coercive action against the press will be removed via this bill to begin the process of providing for a free press in Pakistan. This involves as a first step, the withdrawal of all the provisions of Ordinance XIII of 2002 inserted through Ordinance LXV of 2007.”
Praise, whoever you like to praise for whatever action. Media may not be very responsible, which it should be, but at least don’t deny us from the credit this journalist community deserve, even if likes of you are now in practical politics.
Mazhar Abbas is a senior journalist and ex-Secretary General of PFUJ.